Although Indian political parties have been supporting the democratic
movement in Nepal right from the 1960s, the 1990 constitution was virtually
imposed on King Birendra as a result of a struggle in which the Nepali
Congress and the Communists forced King to accept constitutional monarchy
and multi-party democracy. However, the constitution was prepared by a
committee appointed by the King and not by elected constituent assembly.
On the vital question of the institution of monarchy, the Royalists and
the Nepali Congress joined hands to ensure that the King retained a central
place in the constitution and exercised lot of powers. The Communists
were isolated and felt betrayed. In the 1991 election, the radical left
(United People’s Front) won 9 seats and emerged as the third largest
group. The CPN (Maoist), the present day incarnation, has continued to
demand till this day a people’s constitution through an elected
constituent assembly. Infighting and corruption within the Nepali Congress,
poor performance and misgovernance at all levels of administration resulted
in popular disenchantment with the political process and emergence of
Maoist extremism in Nepal. King Gyanendra who came to the throne following
the bizarre events of June, 1, 2001, is facing the growing challenge of
the Maoist insurgents who run parallel administration in many districts.
They are present in 70 (out of 75) districts with strong presence in nearly
50 of them. After initial success in counter insurgency operations the
Army and the Police seem no longer able to deal with the insurgents. Gyandendra
began to rule by proxy through pliant Prime Minster since October 2002
and made efforts for peace talks. But these talks failed to produce any
lasting solution. After the recent Royal take over on 1st February, 2005,
the number of attacks by the Maoists went up. The main demands of the
Maoists are all party conference, interim government and elections for
a Constituent Assembly.
Later, they added UN intervention and facilitation by great powers.
Their main objective is liquidation of autocratic monarchy supported by
the Royal Nepal Army. The political parties in Nepal are thoroughly discredited
and remain in disarray. Of the three power centers – The King, the
political parties and the Maoists – the political parties have the
least credibility and lack popular support. In his proclamation King Gyanendra
has promised to give up direct rule in three years by which time he hoped
to be able to settle the Maoist problem, conduct elections and restore
democracy. Though he lifted the emergency on 30th April, 2004, press censorship
continues and public meetings and demonstrations are still banned. Many
political leaders continue to remain in prison.
Indian has a dilemma. It has always stood for constitutional monarchy
and multi-party democracy in Nepal. India is vitally interested in ensuring
peace
and stability in Nepal without which its strategic and economic interests
will be jeopardized. If the King loses out to the Maoists, India would
have to live with a Maoist radical regime next door while its own Maoist
extremists outfits are spreading terror in several states within India.
On the other hand, if the King eventually succeeds in dealing with the
rebels with military help from India and/or other countries, the democratic
political process would be arginalized and the monarchy would be sustained
forever. It would be unwise to strengthen King Gyanendra’s hands
in the hope that he would handover power and restore democratic process
once he is able to deal with the Maoist challenge. Historically, the Nepalese
monarchy has worked against Indian interests. The political parties in
Nepal are not in a position to mount serious challenge to the King through
any movement for restoration of democracy. The King, meanwhile, is busy
strengthening his position. The Maoists, though well entrenched in other
parts of the country are not in a position to overrun Kathmandu. Both
sides have reached a strategic parity of sorts. The tide, however, will
turn against the King if the Nepalese security forces do not receive adequate
equipment, arms & ammunitions and fail to secure support from the
people. The steadily growing links of the Nepalese Maoists with their
counterparts in India pose serious long-term threat to India’s security.
India, therefore, clan not be an idle watcher and cannot afford to let
the pot boil. It should play a proactive role and try to bring the King,
the political parties and the Maoists to a position where a constitutional
monarchy could be stablished and the parliament restored. The task is
difficult because the Maoists neither trust the King nor the political
parties enjoy very little popular support and are mainly busy fighting
amongst themselves. The King wants to sustain the monarchy and he does
not trust India. India, for that matter, has no reason to trust the King
either.
Yet, however difficult the task appears to be, India has to work towards
the goal of bringing the three power centers of Nepal together and setting
up a
constitutional democracy by defining the role of the monarchy. India needs
to play its cards carefully and ensure that the crisis does not deepen
further. In the ltimate analysis, constitutional democracy along can fulfill
popular aspirations and promote economic and social development of Nepal
and thereby effectively meet the challenge of Maoist extremism. There
are signs that the Maoist rebels and the seven political parties are making
efforts to make common cause and sink their differences with the aim of
abolishing the nstitution of monarchy. In the past, all previous talks
had collapsed on the issue of the demand for a Republican state by the
Maoists. Meanwhile, King Gyanendra has recently revived Indian hopes for
a transit corridor between India and China with a view to obtaining Indian
assistance in fighting the Maoist insurgents and buying time for consolidating
his own position. India will need all its diplomatic and negotiating skills
to constructively engage the King and make his look up to India for limited
economic and military assistance. Limited supply of arms to the King will
also provide India with a leverage vis-à-vis the Maoists because
they fear Indian military intervention and most and may therefore agree
to come to the negotiating table at India’s bidding.
In the foreseeable future, the biggest danger in Nepal is the grim possibility
of the Maoist insurgents wresting control of the government and establishing
a radical regime. India has to remain alert to this turn of events and
ensure that this scenario does not become a reality.
The views and facts stated above are entirely the responsibility
of the author and do not reflect the views of this Association in any
manner.
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